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Turkish (Türkçe , Türk dili, also known as Türkiye Türkçesi 'Turkish of Turkey'
) is the most widely spoken of the Turkic languages with around 90 million speakers. It is the national language of Turkey and one of two official languages of Cyprus. Significant smaller groups of Turkish speakers also exist in Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, North Macedonia, Greece, other parts of Europe, the South Caucasus, and some parts of Central Asia, Iraqi Turkmen, and Syrian Turkmen. Turkish is the 18th-most spoken language in the world.To the west, the influence of Ottoman Turkish—the variety of the Turkish language that was used as the administrative and literary language of the Ottoman Empire—spread as the Ottoman Empire expanded. In 1928, as one of Atatürk's reforms in the early years of the Republic of Turkey, the Persian alphabet-based Ottoman Turkish alphabet was replaced with the Latin script-based Turkish alphabet.
Some distinctive characteristics of the Turkish language are vowel harmony and extensive agglutination. The basic word order of Turkish is subject–object–verb. Turkish has no or grammatical gender. The language makes usage of and has a strong T–V distinction which distinguishes varying levels of politeness, social distance, age, courtesy or familiarity toward the addressee. The plural second-person pronoun and verb forms are used referring to a single person out of respect.
Historically the Turkic languages family was seen as a branch of the larger Altaic languages family, including Japanese, Korean language, Mongolian and Tungusic, with various other language families proposed for inclusion by linguists.Benzing, J. Einführung in das Studium der altäischen Philologie und der Turkologie, Wiesbaden, 1953.
Altaic theory has fallen out of favour since the 1960s, and a majority of linguists now consider Turkic languages to be unrelated to any other language family, though the Altaic hypothesis still has a small degree of support from individual linguists. The nineteenth-century Ural-Altaic theory, which grouped Turkish with Finnish language, Hungarian and Altaic languages languages, is considered even less plausible in light of Altaic's rejection.Gandjeï, T. "Über die türkischen und mongolischen Elemente der persischen Dichtung der Ilchan-Zeit", in Ural-altaische Jahrbücher 30, 1958, pp. 229–31. The theory was based mostly on the fact these languages share three features: agglutination, vowel harmony and lack of grammatical gender.
With the Turkic expansion during Early Middle Ages (–11th centuries), peoples speaking Turkic languages spread across Central Asia, covering a vast geographical region stretching from Siberia all the way to Europe and the Mediterranean. The Seljuq dynasty of the Oghuz Turks, in particular, brought their language, Oghuz languages—the direct ancestor of today's Turkish language—into Anatolia during the 11th century.
Also during the 11th century, an early linguist of the Turkic languages, Mahmud al-Kashgari from the Kara-Khanid Khanate, published the first comprehensive Turkic language dictionary and map of the geographical distribution of Turkic speakers in the Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk (ديوان لغات الترك).
While visiting the region between Adıyaman and Adana, Evliya Çelebi recorded the "Turkman language" and compared it with his own Turkish:
| Comparison of 17th-century Southern Anatolian Turkman, 17th-century elite, and modern standard Turkish dialects | |||||||
| imam | |||||||
| mosque | |||||||
| bread, lavash, boortsog | |||||||
| Where were you? | |||||||
| Will you wear ferace? | |||||||
| He/She/It became urban. | |||||||
Owing to this sudden change in the language, older and younger people in Turkey started to differ in their vocabularies. While the generations born before the 1940s tend to use the older terms of Arabic or Persian origin, the younger generations favor new expressions. It is considered particularly ironic that Atatürk himself, in Nutuk to the new Parliament in 1927, used the formal style of Ottoman Turkish that had been common at the time amongst statesmen and the educated strata of society in the setting of formal speeches and documents. After the language reform, the Turkish education system discontinued the teaching of literary Ottoman Turkish, and over time the speaking and writing ability of society atrophied to the point that later generations of Turkish speakers would perceive the speech as sounding so alien that it had to be "translated" three times into modern Turkish: first in 1963, again in 1986, and most recently in 1995.
The past few decades have seen the continuing work of the TDK to coin new Turkish words to express new concepts and technologies as they enter the language, mostly from English. Many of these new words, particularly information technology terms, have received widespread acceptance. However, the TDK is occasionally criticized for coining words which sound contrived and artificial. Some earlier changes—such as bölem to replace fırka, "political party"—also failed to meet with popular approval ( fırka has been replaced by the French loanword parti). Some words restored from Old Turkic have taken on specialized meanings; for example betik (originally meaning "book") is now used to mean "script" in computer science.
Some examples of modern Turkish words and the old loanwords are:
In 2005, 93% of the population of Turkey were native speakers of Turkish, about 67 million at the time, with Kurdish languages making up most of the remainder.
Azerbaijani language, official in Azerbaijan, is mutually intelligible with Turkish and speakers of both languages can understand them without noticeable difficulty, especially when discussion comes on ordinary, daily language. Turkey has very good relations with Azerbaijan, with a multitude of Turkish companies and authorities investing there, while the influence of Turkey in the country is very high. The rising presence of this very similar language in Azerbaijan and the fact that many children use Turkish words instead of Azerbaijani words due to satellite TV has caused concern that the distinctive features of the language will be eroded. Many bookstores sell books in Turkish language along Azerbaijani language ones, with Agalar Mahmadov, a leading intellectual, voicing his concern that Turkish language has "already started to take over the national and natural dialects of Azerbaijan". However, the presence of Turkish as foreign language is not as high as Russian. In Uzbekistan, the second most populated Turkic country, a new TV channel Foreign Languages TV was established in 2022. This channel has been broadcasting Turkish lessons along with English, French, German and Russian lessons.
In Turkey, the regulatory body for Turkish is the Turkish Language Association ( Türk Dil Kurumu or TDK), which was founded in 1932 under the name Türk Dili Tetkik Cemiyeti ("Society for Research on the Turkish Language"). The Turkish Language Association was influenced by the ideology of linguistic purism: indeed one of its primary tasks was the replacement of loanwords and of foreign grammatical constructions with equivalents of Turkish origin. These changes, together with the adoption of the new Turkish alphabet in 1928, shaped the modern Turkish language spoken today. The TDK became an independent body in 1951, with the lifting of the requirement that it should be presided over by the Minister of Education. This status continued until August 1983, when it was again made into a governmental body in the constitution of 1982, following the military coup d'état of 1980.
Dialectal variation persists, in spite of the levelling influence of the standard used in mass media and in the Turkish education system since the 1930s. Academic researchers from Turkey often refer to Turkish dialects as ağız or şive, leading to an ambiguity with the linguistic concept of accent, which is also covered with these words. Several universities, as well as a dedicated work-group of the Turkish Language Association, carry out investigating Turkish dialects. work continued on the compilation and publication of their research as a comprehensive dialect-atlas of the Turkish language.
Some immigrants to Turkey from Rumelia speak Rumelian Turkish, which includes the distinct dialects of Ludogorie, Dinler, and Adakale, which show the influence of the theorized Balkan sprachbund. Kıbrıs Türkçesi is the name for Cypriot Turkish and is spoken by the Turkish Cypriots. Edirne is the dialect of Edirne. Ege is spoken in the Aegean Sea region, with its usage extending to Antalya. The nomadic Yörüks of the Mediterranean Region of Turkey also have their own dialect of Turkish. This group is not to be confused with the Yuruk nomads of Macedonia, Greece, and European Turkey, who speak Balkan Gagauz Turkish.
The Meskhetian Turks who live in Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Russia as well as in several Central Asian countries, also speak an Eastern Anatolian dialect of Turkish, originating in the areas of Kars, Ardahan, Artvin, Diyarbakir and Erzurum and sharing similarities with Azerbaijani, the language of Azerbaijan.
The Central Anatolia Region speaks Orta Anadolu. Karadeniz, spoken in the Eastern Black Sea Region and represented primarily by the Trabzon dialect, exhibits substratum influence from Greek language in phonology and syntax; it is also known as Laz dialect (not to be confused with the Laz language). Kastamonu is spoken in Kastamonu and its surrounding areas. Karamanli Turkish is spoken in Greece, where it is called Kαραμανλήδικα. It is the literary standard for the Karamanlides.
| + Consonant phonemes of Standard Turkish (1999). 9780521652360, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521652360
! colspan="2" | ! Labial consonant
! Dental consonant/ Alveolar ! Post- alveolar ! Palatal ! Velar consonant !Glottal |
At least one source claims Turkish consonants are laryngeally-specified three-way fortis-lenis (aspirated/neutral/voiced) like Armenian, although only syllable-finally.
The phoneme that is usually referred to as yumuşak g ("soft g"), written in Turkish orthography, represents a vowel sequence or a rather weak bilabial approximant between rounded vowels, a weak palatal approximant between unrounded front vowels, and a vowel sequence elsewhere. It never occurs at the beginning of a word or a syllable, but always follows a vowel. When word-final or preceding another consonant, it lengthens the preceding vowel.
In native Turkic words, the sounds , , and are mainly in complementary distribution with , , and ; the former set occurs adjacent to front vowels and the latter adjacent to back vowels. The distribution of these is often unpredictable, however, in foreign borrowings and proper nouns. In such words, , , and often occur with back vowels: some examples are given below. However, there are that distinguish between these sounds, such as kar kɑɾ "snow" vs kâr cɑɾ "profit".
| + Obstruent devoicing in nouns |
| book (loan) |
| tip |
| thigh |
| color (loan) |
| bread |
This is analogous to languages such as German language and Russian language, but in the case of Turkish it only applies, as the above examples demonstrate, to stops and affricates, not to fricatives. The spelling is usually made to match the sound. However, in a few cases, such as ad 'name' (dative ada), the underlying form is retained in the spelling (cf. at 'horse', dative ata). Other exceptions are od 'fire' vs. ot 'herb', sac 'sheet metal', saç 'hair'. Most loanwords, such as kitap above, are spelled as pronounced, but a few such as hac 'hajj', şad 'happy', and yad 'strange' or 'stranger' also show their underlying forms.
Native nouns of two or more syllables that end in /k/ in dictionary form are nearly all /ğ/ in underlying form. However, most verbs and monosyllabic nouns are underlyingly /k/.
The only in the language are found in and may be categorised as falling diphthongs usually analyzed as a sequence of /j/ and a vowel.
The principle of vowel harmony, which permeates Turkish word-formation and suffixation, is due to the natural human tendency towards economy of muscular effort. This principle is expressed in Turkish through three rules:
The second and third rules minimize muscular effort during speech. More specifically, they are related to the phenomenon of labial assimilation: if the lips are rounded (a process that requires muscular effort) for the first vowel they may stay rounded for subsequent vowels. If they are unrounded for the first vowel, the speaker does not make the additional muscular effort to round them subsequently.
and obey one of the following patterns of vowel harmony:Practically, the twofold pattern (also referred to as the e-type vowel harmony) means that in the environment where the vowel in the word stem is formed in the front of the mouth, the suffix will take the e-form, while if it is formed in the back it will take the a-form. The fourfold pattern (also called the i-type) accounts for rounding as well as for front/back.
The following examples, based on the Turkish copula -dir4 ("it is"), illustrate the principles of i-type vowel harmony in practice: Türkiye'
| –daş | "colleague" | From meslek "profession." |
| –yor | "he/she/it is coming" | From gel– "to come." |
| –ane | "regal" | From şah, "king." |
| –ken | "while sleeping" | From uyu–, "to sleep." |
| –leyin | "in the morning" | From sabah, "morning." |
| –imtırak | "sourish" | From ekşi, "sour." |
| –ki | "(that) in the forest" | From orman, "forest." |
| –gil | "my mother's family" | From annem, "my mother." |
| –gen | "hexagon" | From altı, "six." |
The road sign in the photograph above illustrates several of these features:
The rules of vowel harmony may vary by regional dialect. The dialect of Turkish spoken in the Trabzon region of northeastern Turkey follows the reduced vowel harmony of Old Anatolian Turkish, with the additional complication of two missing vowels (ü and ı), thus there is no palatal harmony. It is likely that elün meant "your hand" in Old Anatolian. While the 2nd person singular possessive would vary between back and front vowel, -ün or -un, as in elün for "your hand" and kitabun for "your book", the lack of ü vowel in the Trabzon dialect means -un would be used in both of these cases — elun and kitabun.
| –le | with pleasure |
| –ken | while writing |
| –ce | bestially |
| –leyin | by night |
| –me | he/she/it did not understand |
| –yor | he/she/it is coming |
| ol- as a separate word | he/she was my friend |
| ol- as a suffix | he/she was my friend |
| mi | did he/she not understand? |
| gibi | like you |
| için | for me |
| ki | they are saying that it won't happen |
| de | us too |
| Subject | Predicate | ||
| Verbal | Necla | okula gitti | Necla went to school |
| Nominal (no verb) | Necla | öğretmen | Necla is a teacher |
| (copula) | Necla | ev-de- y-miş (hyphens delineate suffixes) | Apparently Necla is/was at home |
| SOV | unmarked | |
| SVO | the focus is on the subject: Ahmet (it was Ahmet who ate the egg) | |
| OVS | the focus is on the object: egg (it was an egg that Ahmet ate) |
| Nominal | S-predicate | Bu ev güzelmiş (apparently this house is beautiful) | unmarked |
| Predicate-s | Güzelmiş bu ev (it is apparently beautiful, this house) | it is understood that the sentence is about this house | |
| Verbal | SOV | Bana da bir kahve getir (get me a coffee too) | unmarked |
| Bana da getir bir kahve (get me one too, a coffee) | it is understood that it is a coffee that the speaker wants |
The extensive use of affixes can give rise to long words, e.g. Çekoslovakyalılaştıramadıklarımızdanmışsınızcasına, meaning "In the manner of you being one of those that we apparently couldn't manage to convert to Czechoslovakian". While this case is contrived, long words frequently occur in normal Turkish, as in this heading of a newspaper obituary column: Bayramlaşamadıklarımız (Bayram festival-Recipr-Impot-Partic-Plur-PossPl1; "Those of our number with whom we cannot exchange the season's greetings"). Another example can be seen in the final word of this heading of the online Turkish Spelling Guide ( İmlâ Kılavuzu): Dilde birlik, ulusal birliğin vazgeçilemezlerindendir ("Unity in language is among the indispensables dispense-Pass-Impot-Plur-PossS3-Abl-Copula of national unity ~ Linguistic unity is a sine qua non of national unity").
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| Nominative case | ∅ (none) | köy | ağaç | (the) village/tree |
| Accusative case | ||||
| köyü | ağa cı | the village/tree | ||
| Genitive case | ||||
| köyün | ağa cın | the village's/tree's of the village/tree | ||
| Dative case | ||||
| köye | ağa ca | to the village/tree | ||
| Locative case | ||||
| köyde | ağaç ta | in/on/at the village/tree | ||
| Ablative case | ||||
| köyden | ağaç tan | from the village/tree | ||
| Instrumental | ||||
| köyle | ağaçla | with the village/tree |
The accusative case marker is used only for definite objects; compare (bir) ağaç gördük "we saw a tree" with ağacı gördük "we saw the tree". The plural marker -ler ² is generally not used when a class or category is meant: ağaç gördük can equally well mean "we saw trees as"—as opposed to ağaçları gördük "we saw the trees in".
The declension of ağaç illustrates two important features of Turkish phonology: consonant assimilation in (ağaç tan, ağaç ta) and voicing of final consonants before vowels (ağa cın, ağa ca, ağa cı).
Additionally, nouns can take suffixes that assign person: for example -imiz 4, "our". With the addition of the Turkish copula (for example -im 4, "I am") complete sentences can be formed. The interrogative particle mi 4 immediately follows the word being questioned, and also follows vowel harmony: köye mi? "going to the village?", ağaç mı? "is tree?".
| ev | (the) house |
| evler | (the) houses |
| evin | your (sing.) house |
| eviniz | your (pl./formal) house |
| evim | my house |
| evimde | at my house |
| evlerinizin | of your houses |
| evlerinizden | from your houses |
| evlerinizdendi | (he/she/it) was from your houses |
| evlerinizdenmiş | (he/she/it) was (apparently/said to be) from your houses |
| Evinizdeyim. | I am at your house. |
| Evinizdeymişim. | I was (apparently) at your house. |
| Evinizde miyim? | Am I at your house? |
| + Linked nouns and noun groups |
| nobody's answer |
| the answer "nobody" |
| Atatürk's house |
| Atatürk Boulevard (named after, not belonging to Atatürk) |
| Orhan's name |
| the name "Orhan" |
| the consonant r |
| pronunciation of the consonant r'' |
| Turkish Language-Association |
| Turkish-Language Magazine |
| Ford family car |
| (Mr) Ford's family car |
| the Ford family's car |
| Ankara Girls' School |
| year-end examinations |
| the Istanbul Consulate-General of Bulgaria (located in Istanbul, but belonging to Bulgaria) |
| Professor of Turkish Literature in the Faculty of Literature of the University of Istanbul |
| "what-have-I-become!" madman = parvenu who gives himself airs |
As the last example shows, the qualifying expression may be a substantival sentence rather than a noun or noun group.
There is a third way of linking the nouns where both nouns take no suffixes ( takısız tamlama). However, in this case the first noun acts as an adjective, e.g. Demir kapı (iron gate), elma yanak ("apple cheek", i.e. red cheek), kömür göz ("coal eye", i.e. black eye) :
| gel- | (to) come |
| gelebil- | (to) be able to come |
| gelme- | not (to) come |
| geleme- | (to) be unable to come |
| gelememiş | Apparently (s)he couldn't come |
| gelebilecek | (s)he'll be able to come |
| gelmeyebilir | (s)he may (possibly) not come |
| gelebilirsen | if you can come |
| gelinir | ( passive) one comes, people come |
| gelebilmeliydin | you should have been able to come |
| gelebilseydin | if you could have come |
| gelmeliydin | you should have come |
| gittiysen |
| gitmişsen |
| gidiyorsan |
| gidersen |
| gideceksen |
| – |
| – |
| – |
| – |
There are also so-called combined verbs, which are created by suffixing certain verb stems (like bil or ver) to the original stem of a verb. Bil is the suffix for the sufficiency mood. It is the equivalent of the English auxiliary verbs "able to", "can" or "may". Ver is the suffix for the swiftness mood, kal for the perpetuity mood and yaz for the approach ("almost") mood. Thus, while gittin means "you went", gidebildin means "you could go" and gidiverdin means "you went swiftly". The tenses of the combined verbs are formed the same way as for simple verbs.
The most important function of some of these attributive verbs is to form modifying phrases equivalent to the found in most European languages. The subject of the verb in an 2 form is (possibly implicitly) in the third person (he/she/it/they); this form, when used in a modifying phrase, does not change according to number. The other attributive forms used in these constructions are the future (2) and an older form (4), which covers both present and past meanings. These two forms take "personal endings," which have the same form as the possessive suffixes but indicate the person and possibly number of the subject of the attributive verb; for example, yediğ im means "what I eat," yediğin means "what you eat," and so on. The use of these "personal or relative participles" is illustrated in the following table, in which the examples are presented according to the grammatical case which would be seen in the equivalent English relative clause.
| Nominative | who, which/that | |
| Genitive | whose (nom.) | |
| whose (acc.) | ||
| at whose | ||
| of which | ||
| of which | ||
| Remaining cases (incl. prepositions) | whom, which | |
| from which | ||
| on which | ||
| which + subordinate clause |
In Turkish, there are many pairs of synonyms where one word is of foreign origin and the other of Turkic origin. These pairs are the result of the enrichment of the Turkish vocabulary with loanwords from Arabic, Persian and French, and of the Turkish language reform initiated in the early 20th century that aimed to restore foreign-origin words with Turkic equivalents.
Turkish obeys certain principles when it comes to suffixation. Most suffixes in Turkish will have more than one form, depending on the vowels and consonants in the root- vowel harmony rules will apply; consonant-initial suffixes will follow the voiced/ voiceless character of the consonant in the final unit of the root; and in the case of vowel-initial suffixes an additional consonant may be inserted if the root ends in a vowel, or the suffix may lose its initial vowel. There is also a prescribed order of affixation of suffixes- as a rule of thumb, derivative suffixes precede inflectional suffixes which are followed by , as can be seen in the example set of words derived from a substantive root below:
| göz | göz | eye | Noun |
| gözlük | göz + -lük | eyeglasses | Noun |
| gözlükçü | göz + -lük + -çü | optician | Noun |
| gözlükçülük | göz + -lük + -çü + -lük | optician's trade | Noun |
| gözlem | göz + -lem | observation | Noun |
| gözlemci | göz + -lem + -ci | observer | Noun |
| gözle- | göz + -le | observe | Verb (order) |
| gözlemek | göz + -le + -mek | to observe | Verb (infinitive) |
| gözetlemek | göz + -et + -le + -mek | to peep | Verb (infinitive) |
Another example, starting from a verbal root:
| yat- | yat- | lie down | Verb (order) |
| yatmak | yat-mak | to lie down | Verb (infinitive) |
| yatık | yat- + -(ı)k | leaning | Adjective |
| yatak | yat- + -ak | bed, place to sleep | Noun |
| yatay | yat- + -ay | horizontal | Adjective |
| yatkın | yat- + -gın | inclined to; stale (from lying too long) | Adjective |
| yatır- | yat- + -(ı)r- | lay down | Verb (order) |
| yatırmak | yat- + -(ı)r-mak | to lay down something/someone | Verb (infinitive) |
| yatırım | yat- + -(ı)r- + -(ı)m | laying down; deposit, investment | Noun |
| yatırımcı | yat- + -(ı)r- + -(ı)m + -cı | depositor, investor | Noun |
New words are also frequently formed by compounding two existing words into a new one, as in German. Compounds can be of two types- bare and (s)I. The bare compounds, both nouns and adjectives are effectively two words juxtaposed without the addition of suffixes for example the word for girlfriend kızarkadaş (kız+arkadaş) or black pepper karabiber (kara+biber). A few examples of compound words are given below:
| pazartesi | Monday | pazar ("Sunday") and ertesi ("after") | after Sunday |
| bilgisayar | computer | bilgi ("information") and say- ("to count") | information counter |
| gökdelen | skyscraper | gök ("sky") and del- ("to pierce") | sky piercer |
| başparmak | thumb | baş ("prime") and parmak ("finger") | primary finger |
| önyargı | prejudice | ön ("before") and yargı ("splitting; judgement") | fore-judging |
| el çantası | handbag | el (hand) and çanta (bag) | +sı |
| masa örtüsü | tablecloth | masa (table) and örtü (cover) | +sü |
| çay bardağı | tea glass | çay (tea) and bardak (glass) | +ı (the k changes to ğ) |
The reform of the script was an important step in the cultural reforms of the period. The task of preparing the new alphabet and selecting the necessary modifications for sounds specific to Turkish was entrusted to a Language Commission composed of prominent linguists, academics, and writers. The introduction of the new Turkish alphabet was supported by public education centers opened throughout the country, cooperation with publishing companies, and encouragement by Atatürk himself, who toured the country teaching the new letters to the public. As a result, there was a dramatic increase in literacy from its original, pre-modern levels.
The Latin alphabet was applied to the Turkish language for educational purposes even before the 20th-century reform. Instances include a 1635 Latin-Albanian dictionary by Frang Bardhi, who also incorporated several sayings in the Turkish language, as an appendix to his work (e.g. alma agatsdan irak duschamas—"An apple does not fall far from its tree").
Turkish now has an alphabet suited to the sounds of the language: the spelling is largely phonemic, with one letter corresponding to each phoneme.
Most of the letters are used approximately as in English, the main exceptions being , which denotes ( being used for the found in Persian and European loans); and the undotted , representing . As in German, and represent and . The letter , in principle, denotes but has the property of lengthening the preceding vowel and assimilating any subsequent vowel. The letters and represent and , respectively. A circumflex is written over following and when these consonants represent and —almost exclusively in Arabic and Persian loanword.The Turkish alphabet consists of 29 letters (q, w, x omitted and ç, ş, ğ, ı, ö, ü added); the complete list is:
The specifically Turkish letters and spellings described above are illustrated in this table:
| Cağaloğlu | İstanbul | |
| çalıştığı | where/that (s)he works/worked | |
| müjde | good news | |
| lazım | necessary | |
| mahkûm | prisoner |
| Ben giderim adım kalır | I depart, my name remains | |
| Dostlar beni hatırlasın | May friends remember me | |
| Düğün olur bayram gelir | There are weddings, there are feasts | |
| Dostlar beni hatırlasın | May friends remember me | |
| Can kafeste durmaz uçar | The soul won't stay caged, it flies away | |
| Dünya bir han konan göçer | The world is an inn, residents depart | |
| Ay dolanır yıllar geçer | The moon wanders, years pass by | |
| Dostlar beni hatırlasın | May friends remember me | |
| Can bedenden ayrılacak | The soul will leave the body | |
| Tütmez baca yanmaz ocak | The chimney won't smoke, furnace won't burn | |
| Selam olsun kucak kucak | Goodbye goodbye to you all | |
| Dostlar beni hatırlasın | May friends remember me | |
| Açar solar türlü çiçek | Various flowers bloom and fade | |
| Kimler gülmüş kim gülecek | Someone laughed, someone will laugh | |
| Murat yalan ölüm gerçek | Wishes are lies, death is real | |
| Dostlar beni hatırlasın | May friends remember me | |
| Gün ikindi akşam olur | Morning and afternoon turn to night | |
| Gör ki başa neler gelir | And many things happen to a person anyway | |
| Veysel gider adı kalır | Veysel departs, his name remains | |
| Dostlar beni hatırlasın | May friends remember me |
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in English:
International Phonetic Alphabet transcription:
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